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The world in which it constituted an episode of sexual assault was so far from my own two experiences of near date rape (which took place, respectively, during the Carter and Reagan administrations, roughly between the kidnapping of the Iran hostages and the start of the Falklands War) that I just couldn’t pick up the tune.
Eventually, overcome by her emotions at the way the night was going, she told him, “You guys are all the fucking same,” and left crying. I thought it was the most significant line in the story: This has happened to her many times before. What led her to believe that this time would be different?
The great girl-shaping institutions, significantly the magazines and advice books and novels that I devoured, were decades away from being handed over to actual girls and young women to write and edit, and they were still filled with the cautionary advice and moralistic codes of the ’50s.
Agreeing to meet at his apartment—instead of expecting him to come to her place to pick her up—they would have called unwise; ditto drinking with him alone.
But in one essential aspect they reminded us that we were strong in a way that so many modern girls are weak. They told us over and over again that if a man tried to push you into anything you didn’t want, even just a kiss, you told him flat out you weren’t doing it.
www.theatlantic.com
It is indeed a triumph of stitchery, combining disparate colors and textures into an apparently seamless garment.
One reviewer even described it as a “historical drama”: fair enough, in view of Anderson’s devotion, here as in earlier films, to summoning up the precise surfaces and behaviors of a chosen period
He finds his way to the heart of what concerns him through artifacts and color schemes, the fibers of cloth and the grains of woodwork.
he has the actor supremely capable of realizing the intricate contradictions of a character who might so easily have become a caricature of a domineering, terribly British fussbudget.
The performance itself is an analogue of the dresses he makes, each gesture sewn by hand.
He is a man whose entire life is lived with, and in the service of, women—he is, in fact, the only male character of consequence in the film—and we are permitted to think that everything he does is calculated to preserve him from simply being swallowed up in an ocean of femininity.
The very visible boldness of the editing, the leaps and ellipses, keep the idea of cutting very much at the forefront.
The world of Reynolds Woodcock is one of carefully guarded views, deliberately excluding much in order to focus on the continual artmaking at its center: a world in which he can exercise near-total control, keeping at bay both outward annoyances and inward unease, while cherishing the memory of the mother who taught him his craft
www.nybooks.com
93 percent of black men voted for him, and 98 percent of black women.
Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez. “Black women are the backbone of the Democratic Party, and we can’t take that for granted. Period.”
Will the power dynamic between black voters and the party truly change, or will #BlackWomen end up being nothing more than a hashtag?
“The truth is everything from unemployment to the carceral state affects black women,” Brittany Packnett
The Democrats’ long tradition of perfunctory church visits and get-out-the-vote rallies—anchored by smiles, waves, and bones thrown—can seem, in hindsight, underlied by a cynical subtext: “Where else are you going to go?”
“Let me be clear: We won in Alabama and Virginia because #BlackWomen led us to victory,” tweeted Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez. “Black women are the backbone of the Democratic Party, and we can’t take that for granted. Period.”
“The truth is everything from unemployment to the carceral state affects black women,” Brittany Packnett
“I’d like to see a Justice Department that recommits to consent decrees, as they have been proven to decrease police violence.”
Packnett would also “like to see the DOJ end practices in federal facilities… that demonize women, like being shackled during childbirth, making access to feminine products challenging,” and “to see [the Children’s Health Insurance Plan] and other critical supports for children—and primarily used by women—be better protected and fully funded.”
“refuse to let critical policy positions be called ‘identity politics.’”
which particular mixture of social justice and economic messages
white voters have become prized due to their mercurial nature
bemoaned the tendency among the Democratic brass for finger-pointing to take the place of introspection
“finds black women voter participation has been steadily on the increase for over a decade.”
“There was nothing about [that] election that said, ‘Hey, we are absolutely going to put ourselves out there for black people. We are going to make a difference in your lives,’” she told me.
rendering blacks a "captured minority."
Democrats who courted conservative voters while supporting policies that would end up having particularly negative consequences on communities of color.
“Where else are you going to go?” (An inverse of Trump’s famous “What do you have to lose?”)
A poll released in September found enthusiasm for the Democratic Party down 11 points among black women since 2016.
the Democrat also wouldn’t have won if Republican turnout, particularly among white women, had been what it was for Trump.
“In too many cases, black women are asked to be altogether passionate but not angry, knowledgeable but not intimidating, and strong but not overwhelming. Stereotypes work against us in politics just like they do in every field,” she said.
“must not only expect us to come to the polls, but make us decision-makers.
Heather McGhee, a black woman who is the head of the left-leaning think tank Demos, has argued that a more equitable campaign finance system would level the monetary playing field for women of color, who rarely have the war chests of their white male counterparts.
seven black women who will be mayors in 2018
depressed white rural turnout, a smidgen of suburbanites going Democratic, and an enthused multiethnic anti-Trump
“They are afraid of alienating the majority voters,”
www.vice.com
The literary aspect concerns the textual interpretation, where invention is essential to finding hidden alternative meanings in the text.
Metaphysics creates dualistic oppositions and installs a hierarchy that unfortunately privileges one term of each dichotomy (presence before absence, speech before writing, and so on).
www.iep.utm.edu
meet force with force, fire with fire.
From 1962 to 1964, the years just before the Watts rebellion, there were sixty-five people killed by the L.A.P.D., including twenty-seven who had been shot in the back.
four years after the Black Panther Party was founded, in October of 1966, by a loose and very young assortment of Bay Area radicals (their initial mission was to legally follow and monitor police officers with unconcealed weapons), the organization grew to one with headquarters in sixty-eight cities.
Mario Van Peebles’s once influential “Panther,” a highly fictionalized and haphazardly truncated account,
Less than a year after the armed Panther Patrols emerged, the California governor Ronald Reagan signed the Mulford Act, put forward by the California State Assembly with the explicit desire to prevent the Panthers from carrying loaded firearms in public. In protest, on May 2, 1967, twenty-six armed Panthers, led by the co-founder Bobby Seale, invaded the State Assembly chamber, with shotguns and pistols drawn.
The Panthers, in the second issue of their newspaper, laid out a ten-point program, one which called for full employment, decent housing, historically conscious education, as well as the end of black imprisonment, service in the armed forces, subjugation to police brutality, and “the robbery by the white men of our Black Community.”
Cleaver, a literary celebrity for his 1968 memoir “Soul on Ice,” fled to Algeria after his shoot-out, which followed in the wake of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., and was largely seen as a foolhardy ambush on the police, one which left one of the youngest and earliest members of the Panthers, Bobby Hutton, dead.
Yet decadence and dissension amongst the party’s leadership, and the ascendance of a black middle class with more access to the economic and social mainstream, are perhaps equally to blame for the Panthers’ decline.
In the early seventies, while Newton advocated for doubling down on food and educational programs and leaving the threat of armed insurrection behind, Cleaver continued to argue for outright armed confrontation with the white man.
according to Bobby Seale, the group’s rank and file became demoralized, unsure of whom the follow.
The incidents of political violence that punctuated the era—shootings, bombings, and the occasional robbery—remain unconvincing markers of a larger revolution that never came.
In Joshua Bloom and Waldo Martin’s celebrated history of the Panthers, “Black Against Empire,” they estimate that sixty-five per cent of the editorials found in the organization’s newspaper in 1970 promoted “revolution now” as an attainable goal, but by 1973 less than one per cent continued to do so.
It’s no small irony that so much of the scholarship that went into Ta-Nehisi Coates’s celebrated essay on the subject, last summer, focussed on the housing discrimination of the era in which many of the Panthers came of age.
The Panthers, in the second issue of their newspaper, laid out a ten-point program, one which called for full employment, decent housing, historically conscious education, as well as the end of black imprisonment, service in the armed forces, subjugation to police brutality, and “the robbery by the white men of our Black Community.”
The incidents of political violence that punctuated the era—shootings, bombings, and the occasional robbery—remain unconvincing markers of a larger revolution that never came.
They were full of African-Americans who had left the South to find better opportunities and the rule of law, only to discover that laws were malleable things that could be shaped to ignore or brutalize them.
four years after the Black Panther Party was founded, in October of 1966, by a loose and very young assortment of Bay Area radicals (their initial mission was to legally follow and monitor police officers with unconcealed weapons), the organization grew to one with headquarters in sixty-eight cities.
Stanley Nelson’s “The Black Panthers: Vanguard of The Revolution.”
It’s no small irony that so much of the scholarship that went into Ta-Nehisi Coates’s celebrated essay on the subject, last summer, focussed on the housing discrimination of the era in which many of the Panthers came of age.
www.newyorker.com
You know, he paid for that boy to have swimming lessons once he saw that the boy couldn’t swim well but wanted to learn.
Walcott, the most ardent chronicler of the island’s history and landscape and people, sometimes acts as a patron, a kind of John the Baptist of St. Lucia
Walcott’s work revels in the history, the mores, and the differences of a people generally misunderstood, if they are thought about at all.
the Paradisal Isles
His St. Lucia—with its dusty frangipani trees, its mixed-race people speaking several languages, and its junked British- and American-made jeeps—is a place of both poverty and abundance.
His goal, he said, is to “finish” his incomplete culture.
He sounded impatient with her tendency to treat the landscape like a sitting room: here are our needlepoint pillows, here is our mountain.
His sharp tone was a reminder that the trip to Soufrière was disrupting his work routine.
www.newyorker.com
“What if we just let black women run everything?”
“It’s one thing to acknowledge the centrality of African-American women as the wheels of our political moment,” legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw, who moderated the event, told the audience to approving nods. “It’s another to put them in the driver’s seat.”
While black women are a crucial voting bloc capable of winning close contests, they are sorely underrepresented in seats of political power.
www.vox.com
with the absence of any Soviet competition, Western capitalist countries — and especially the United States — have become hideously unequal, misery-ridden, and economically stagnant.
theweek.com
But developers of these stationary platforms need to understand that there is more to mobile development that simply porting their existing applications as is. Mobile users have their own expectations of how an application should feel. They are less forgiving of unnecessary clicks, taps, and pauses to get the information they want. Developers need to be aware of these new usability standards to compete in the highly saturated mobile market.
www.alliancetek.com
At this point, Bluetooth is a ubiquitous technology that has become commonplace in a world dominated by smartphones and mobile devices.  As expected, the growth of the mobile market and mobile application developers utilizing Bluetooth has increased exponentially.
www.alliancetek.com
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